Items & Feature This exquisite dress is based on the Qixiong Shanqun of the Tang Dynasty Hanfu, available in two stunning color schemes, purple and pink, perfect for spring day. 2.54 cm; Please make sure the product’s measurements will fit your daily wear size, or view the complete Size Guide Chart to get more help. Recommend Hand-wash with your favorite mild detergent; Cold or warm water, maximum temperature 40°C. When washed, shake off any excess water and let them air dry. Shipping: Once the package is in transit, you will receive an email notification of the shipping status and location, also you can directly Track Shipping online. Guarantee: If the item has any small and big quality issues, we will offer free return or refund for you. Highlighted by delicate embroidery and lots of floral prints, this Qixiong Shanqun set for spring would be a great choice, if you are looking for a Hanfu for your spring travel plans. Learn more about the Return & Refund Policy. The white top features an intricately embroidered neckline with lotus flowers, made of light and comfortable fabric. The skirt head is adorned with beautiful lotus leaf and goldfish embroidery, traditional chinese clothing for men complemented by a color blocking design and a plethora of floral prints. The addition of the bow gives the whole Hanfu set a more fairy-like feel. My daughter ordered the same hanfu in a different color and loves hers as well. She is tall and thin and I am 5′ 5″ with a pear shape, but the dress looks great on both our body types. Designed with inclusivity in mind, the dress features an elastic band that ensures a perfect fit for all body types. I bought the purple but really thinking about getting pink also.
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N2 – This article sheds light on the intricate relationship between the revival of Hanfu, traditional couture from the Han Dynasty, and rising Chinese nationalism among Chinese youth living in the United Kingdom. Mobilizing the theoretical tool ‘affective economies’, we explore how particular feelings and values are assigned and attached to Hanfu, and thereby circulate among young Chinese migrants. We begin by examining the Hanfu movement to interrogate how Hanfu is reinvented based on a selective historicity of the past, serving as a specific cultural product for China’s rejuvenation. We then move on to analyze a series of in-depth interviews conducted between December 2019 and July 2020. We probe the lived experiences of young Hanfu supporters, who are members of the UK Han Culture Association, and the cultural events organized by the Association, in order to scrutinize the ways Hanfu conjures up an imagined community suffused with nationalism. Second, we show through the analysis of the fieldwork materials the paradoxical desire for chuguo (going abroad) and huiguo (returning to the nation) in the hearts of the young migrants. Drawing upon on the affective economies of Hanfu, we discern the following three key findings: First, we argue that there are both positive and negative affective attachments to Hanfu, such as homesickness, loneliness, alienation, happiness, pride and beauty, which impinge on migrant bodies, assigning values to Hanfu and the Hanfu-related cultural events. AB – This article sheds light on the intricate relationship between the revival of Hanfu, traditional couture from the Han Dynasty, and rising Chinese nationalism among Chinese youth living in the United Kingdom. Mobilizing the theoretical tool ‘affective economies’, we explore how particular feelings and values are assigned and attached to Hanfu, and thereby circulate among young Chinese migrants. Finally, we argue that Hanfu circulates as a ‘mnemonic thing’ that signifies a specific imaginary of Ancient China, where young migrant’s aiguo (love of the nation) sentiments are then ‘stuck’ to this reinvented fashion. We begin by examining the Hanfu movement to interrogate how Hanfu is reinvented based on a selective historicity of the past, serving as a specific cultural product for China’s rejuvenation. Drawing upon on the affective economies of Hanfu, we discern the following three key findings: First, we argue that there are both positive and negative affective attachments to Hanfu, such as homesickness, loneliness, alienation, happiness, pride and beauty, which impinge on migrant bodies, assigning values to Hanfu and the Hanfu-related cultural events. We then move on to analyze a series of in-depth interviews conducted between December 2019 and July 2020. We probe the lived experiences of young Hanfu supporters, who are members of the UK Han Culture Association, and the cultural events organized by the Association, in order to scrutinize the ways Hanfu conjures up an imagined community suffused with nationalism. Second, we show through the analysis of the fieldwork materials the paradoxical desire for chuguo (going abroad) and huiguo (returning to the nation) in the hearts of the young migrants. Finally, we argue that Hanfu circulates as a ‘mnemonic thing’ that signifies a specific imaginary of Ancient China, where young migrant’s aiguo (love of the nation) sentiments are then ‘stuck’ to this reinvented fashion.
This Hanfu ensemble is composed of a short blouse and a high-waisted long skirt, capturing the authentic silhouette of the Tang Dynasty’s Qixiong style. The two-piece set is designed to be both flattering and comfortable, offering a glimpse into the past with a fit tailored for the present. The blouse is a delicate confluence of function and grace, while the skirt billows like a gentle breeze over a meadow. The blouse’s collar is adorned with an intricate pattern inspired by traditional Chinese fans, a motif that evokes the sophistication of bygone eras. The fine embroidery on the blouse is both subtle and stunning, song dynasty hanfu men showcasing a noble and elegant aesthetic. The skirt is a canvas of artistry, featuring two contrasting color blocks that harmonize into a vintage Tang Dynasty style. Each stitch is a tribute to the artisan’s skill, creating a design that whispers tales of ancient China’s luxurious court life. The thoughtful arrangement of hues creates a visual narrative that flows with every movement. This blend of colors is not just about aesthetic appeal; it’s a nod to the rich tapestry of Tang Dynasty fashion, where color was a language of status and style. It is as fitting for the gentle warmth of spring and summer as it is for a scenic outing amidst nature’s bounty. This Hanfu set is more than just clothing; it’s an experience, a journey back to a time of imperial elegance.
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Chinese Hanfu White, Ancient Costume Women Hanfu, and Hanfu Dress Traditional Fairy. Whether you are an enthusiast or a casual admirer, our collection of Hanfu White and related styles will transport you to a world of ancient beauty and grace. With its delicate embroidery and pristine white fabric, this traditional costume captures the essence of ancient China. Chinese Hanfu White is not just a garment; it is a journey through time. Our Hanfu White pieces are crafted with meticulous attention to detail, ensuring that every stitch and every fold tells a story of China’s rich cultural heritage. For the woman who seeks to embody the refined spirit of ancient China, our Hanfu Han Female and Horse Face Skirt Hanfu are perfect choices. These elegant dresses not only reflect the traditional aesthetics of Hanfu but also bring a modern twist to the classic design. The Hanfu White fabric, when combined with these styles, creates an ethereal and otherworldly appearance, fitting perfectly for any event or occasion where a touch of fairy tale meets historical charm. Our Hanfu White collection is also inspired by Chinese Folk Clothes and Dynasty Clothings. These traditional garments represent the diversity and richness of Chinese culture, showcasing the beauty of various historical eras and regional styles. If you are looking to explore Chinese As a, Chinese Han, or Hanfu Woman Fairy, our Hanfu White and related styles are an excellent starting point. These outfits are designed to highlight the feminine elegance and grace of traditional Chinese dress, making them ideal for costume parties, cultural festivals, or simply as a statement piece for your wardrobe. Every piece in our Hanfu White collection is carefully designed to ensure comfort and authenticity. The lightweight and breathable fabric allows for a comfortable wear, while the intricate details such as embroidery and pleats add a touch of sophistication and history. The Hanfu White dress, whether paired with intricate sleeves or flowing horse face skirts, is a symbol of timeless beauty and cultural pride. Whether you are looking for a Hanfu White dress to embody the ancient beauty of China or to add a unique touch to your personal style, our collection offers a wide range of options. From the delicate beauty of the Ancient Costume Women Hanfu to the fairy-like elegance of the Hanfu Dress Traditional Fairy, we have something for everyone. Explore our collection today and step into a world where ancient tradition meets modern elegance. Experience the magic of Hanfu White and its many variations, and let your journey through the beauty of Chinese culture begin.
A .gov website belongs to an official government organization in the United States. A lock ( Lock Locked padlock icon ) or https:// means you’ve safely connected to the .gov website. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. With the trend of national cultural confidence and the growing appreciation for aesthetic diversity, traditional apparel from different countries or regions has become a driving force in the clothing industry. Thus, with the objective of exploring the psychological antecedents of Hanfu consumers’ purchase intentions from the perspectives of product identification, cultural motivation, and consumers’ perceived authenticity, the present study was empirically conducted with a sample of 823 respondents. Hanfu, an emerging trend that industrializes traditional culture, has garnered increasing attention from consumers. Partial least squares-structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM) was employed to examine the proposed research model. The results demonstrate that consumers’ identification with Hanfu and cultural motivation positively influence object-based and existential authenticity, as well as purchase intention. Furthermore, the mediating effect of perceived object-based authenticity is confirmed, indicating its significance in shaping consumers’ purchase intentions, while the mediating effect of existential authenticity is found to be insignificant. Research findings could contribute to the understanding of the psychological mechanisms driving consumers’ purchase intentions towards traditional clothing and highlight the importance of consumers’ perceived object-based authenticity in the market of traditional cultural clothing. It has transitioned from being a niche industry appealing to a small group of individuals interested in cultural revitalization to an emerging fashion trend in the clothing industry. The rise of China-Chic, driven by the development of domestic product consumption and the revitalization of Chinese traditional culture, has sparked interest across various industries in leveraging national culture and branding to attract consumers. Therefore, consumers’ identification with Hanfu and their cultural motivation towards Hanfu could be taken as psychological determinants which drive the form of purchase intention. In modern society, Hanfu represents not only apparel but also consumers’ expression of themselves and desire for cultural and historical connotations. As such, one of the objectives of the present study is to empirically explore and understand the psychological mechanism of consumers’ purchase intentions from the angles of their identification with Hanfu and cultural motivation. Moreover, Ko et al. Hanfu, has been limited thus far. Collectively, this research develops and empirically tests a theoretical model which explores the correlations among consumers’ identification with Hanfu, cultural motivation, perceived object-based and existential authenticity, and their purchase intentions towards Hanfu. Hence, another objective of the present study is to apply the consumer-based authenticity model to understand the forming mechanism of consumers’ purchase intentions towards Hanfu. Products are seen as reflections of consumers’ personalities, and the symbolic meaning of a certain product often embodies more significance compared to its functional aspects. Moreover, the mediating effect of consumers’ perceived authenticity between consumers’ identification with Hanfu/cultural motivation and purchase intentions will be examined. Therefore, the identification with the clothing one wears can directly or indirectly impact the psychological mechanisms of decision-making. As a result, consumers continuously shape their identities through their consumption choices of specific products, services, or brands. In this context, Hanfu, as a cultural and historical apparel, goes beyond its functional purpose and becomes intertwined with consumers’ emotional and psychological needs. Based on the above discussion, when consumers form identification with Hanfu, their purchase intentions would be increased because of the congruity between themselves and the particular product. Furthermore, for consumers’ perceived authenticity in the context of tourism, He et al. Furthermore, their perceptions of authenticity could be activated. Consumers’ identification with Hanfu positively affects their perceived existential authenticity. Consumers’ identification with Hanfu positively affects their perceived object-based authenticity. Consumers’ identification with Hanfu positively affects their purchase intentions. Therefore, it can be inferred that consumers’ cultural motivations could positively impact on their perceived object-based and existential authenticity. Consumers’ cultural motivations toward Hanfu positively affect their perceived object-based authenticity. In the context of cultural apparel, cultural motivation refers to consumers’ motives and desires to purchase or wear Hanfu, driven by their interest in the cultural aspects associated with it. Consumers’ cultural motivations toward Hanfu positively affect their purchase intentions. Consumers’ cultural motivations toward Hanfu positively affect their perceived existential authenticity. Moreover, the significant correlations between consumers’ or tourists’ authenticity and various aspects of their decision-making have been empirically examined and verified. Therefore, consumers’ perceived authenticity toward Hanfu can be understood from the angles of object-based and existential authenticity. Consumers’ perceived object-based authenticity toward Hanfu positively affects their purchase intentions. Consumers’ perceived existential authenticity toward Hanfu positively affects their purchase intentions. Consumers’ perceived object-based authenticity toward Hanfu positively affects their existential authenticity. For example, Biraglia et al. However, in the context of traditional and cultural apparel consumption, such as Hanfu, the mediating role of consumers’ perceived object-based and existential authenticity in the relationship between their motivation or identification with Hanfu and their purchase intentions has received limited attention. Additionally, the mediating effect of consumers’ perceived authenticity has been explored in the literature. Consumers’ perceived object-based authenticity mediates the relationship between consumers’ identification with Hanfu and purchase intentions. Consumers’ perceived object-based authenticity mediates the relationship between consumers’ cultural motivations toward Hanfu and purchase intentions. Consumers’ perceived existential authenticity mediates the relationship between consumers’ identification with Hanfu and purchase intentions. Consumers’ perceived existential authenticity mediates the relationship between consumers’ cultural motivations toward Hanfu and purchase intentions. In summary, the objective of this study is to empirically investigate the relationship among consumers’ identification with Hanfu, cultural motivation, perceived object-based and existential authenticity, and purchase intentions. To ensure the questionnaire’s cultural relevance and validity, a double translation method suggested by Kivela et al. Furthermore, the mediating roles of two types of perceived authenticity in the paths between identification/motivation and purchase intention, respectively, will be examined. The questionnaire, initially designed in English, was first translated into Chinese by a professional translator who was bilingual in English and Chinese. Then, another professional translator, who was also bilingual, translated the Chinese version back into English. Previous to the official data collection procedure, the Chinese version of the questionnaire was reviewed by two Hanfu consumers with experience in purchasing Hanfu and two researchers familiar with the consumer-based authenticity model and consumer behavior. Based on their feedback, minor adjustments were made to ensure clarity and ease of understanding for respondents. The authors reviewed both translations, considering the Chinese cultural context, conceptual meaning, and construct validity, to finalize the Chinese version of the questionnaire. The final agreement was made among the authors and four participants concerning the final version of the questionnaire. The multiple-stage sampling process was employed to collect responses from potential respondents. Secondly, based on the directory of the company, a random sampling method was conducted to randomly select 1500 consumers who had purchased Hanfu within the past year as the study sample. Firstly, a Hanfu sales company that maintained a directory of approximately 20,000 Hanfu consumers was approached to be taken as the source of potential responses to the survey. The sampling procedure was conducted with the assistance of the company’s staff. Ethical approval was obtained from the ethics committee of the university that the authors worked at before conducting the study to ensure the validity of this study in terms of the ethical dimensions. The platform provided a unique URL link and QR code for participants to access the questionnaire. In the meantime, participants were assured of confidentiality and sole academic use of data. The questionnaire was accessible from 10 December 2022 to 13 March 2023, until no new responses were generated. After the screening, 259 questionnaires were deleted due to short completion time (less than 250 s) (191) or straight-line answers (68). As a result, 823 rational responses were obtained, yielding a valid response rate of 76.1%. The sample size of 823 was considered appropriate for performing data analysis using PLS-SEM, as recommended by Hair et al. A total of 1082 samples were initially collected. 2011) for research frameworks with five or fewer latent constructs, with each latent construct containing more than three measurement items. In terms of monthly income, 31.8% of respondents reported an income of over 15,000 CNY, followed by 20.3% with an income ranging from 8500 to 10,999 CNY and 15.6% with an income of 11,000 to 14,999 CNY. The results showed that 213 (25.6%) respondents were from East China, followed by 132 respondents (15.87%) from Northeast China and 121 (14.54%) from Central China. The socio-demographic characteristics of respondents are indicated in Table 1. Among the valid 823 collected samples, 573 were female (69.6%) and 250 were male (30.4%). In terms of respondents’ age, respondents between 25-34 years old accounted for the largest group, with a total of 560 (68%) respondents in this age group, followed by the group between 18 and 24 years old with 118 respondents (14.3%). Regarding their educational background, 78.6% of respondents hold a bachelor’s degree. Descriptive statistics of respondents. The first section contains questions regarding respondents’ socio-demographic characteristics such as their age, gender, educational background, etc. The second section focuses on measuring the research constructs, including the independent variables of “product identification” and “cultural motivation”, the mediating variables of “object-based authenticity” and “existential authenticity”, and the dependent variable of “purchase intention.” A five-point Likert scale was used, varying from 1, representing “strongly disagree”, to 5, standing for “strongly agree”, to assess respondents’ judgement of each item related to the research constructs. The operationalization of the research variables was as follows. Consumers’ “perceived authenticity” was measured using two constructs: “existential authenticity” and “object-based authenticity.” Ten items were adopted from studies by Atzeni et al. The structured survey questionnaire comprises of two major sections. Constructs and corresponding references. The dependent variable of “purchase intention” was evaluated with five items adapted from studies by Aucouturier et al. Following the recommendation of Hair et al. IBM SPSS Statistics (Version 26) and SmartPLS 3.2.9 software were used for data analysis. PLS-SEM is particularly useful for exploratory studies and extending existing theoretical frameworks through examining the measurement model and structural model. PLS-SEM was conducted for hypothesis testing, as it allows for predicting key drivers and maximizing the variance of dependent constructs. Descriptive analysis using SPSS was conducted to testify the normality of research data. It was calculated that the kurtosis and skewness values of the items were within the acceptable range (lower than critical values of ±2.58 and ±1.96, respectively). The measurement model examines the relationships between the constructs and their indicators, while the structural model reveals the relationships among the latent constructs within the research framework. However, the p-value of the Kolmogorov-Smirnov (K-S) test was less than 0.05, indicating that the sample data violated the assumption of normal distribution, although it is worth noting that the normal distribution assumption is not crucial for PLS-SEM analysis. According to Podsakoff et al. 50% or more of the covariance among research variables, this indicates the existence of common method bias. Harman’s one-factor test was conducted to ascertain the common method bias. Consequently, no significant differences exist between the two groups in demographic variables, confirming the absence of nonresponse bias. Exploratory factor analysis (EFA) results revealed that no single component explained more than 31.87% of the variance, suggesting there is no common method bias issue. Overall model assessment was evaluated by the index of goodness of fit (GoF). According to Wetzels et al. Second, Cronbach’s alpha (CA) and composite reliability (CR) were used to assess the internal consistency. Therefore, the internal consistency and composite reliability of the proposed research model have been ensured. First, the factor loadings of indicators were examined to assess reliability and it was found that all factor loadings exceed the recommended value of 0.6, indicating an acceptable reliability (see in Table A2). As a result, IP3 was eliminated from the construct, improving the convergent validity of the construct. Results of reliability and validity tests. Due to the low factor loading of IP3, its AVE did not meet the cutoff value. Diagonal elements in bold are the square root of the AVE. The off-diagonal elements are the correlations among latent variables. Overall, the reliability and validity of the proposed research model have been fulfilled. The coefficients of determination (R2) indicate the explanatory power of the endogenous constructs. The values of R2 and R2adj both unearth the moderate predictive accuracy or explanatory power of the endogenous constructs of the research model. The HTMT value is in brackets. The results show that identification with product and cultural motivation explained 37.5% of the variance in object-based authenticity. Identification with Hanfu, cultural motivation, and object-based authenticity explained 38.1% of the variance in existential authenticity. In addition, 56.8% of the variance of purchase intention was explained by other variables in the model. For the evaluation of collinearity of structural models, it is necessary to consider the combination of each dependent variable in the structural model and multiple predictors (independent variables) that predict that dependent variable. For object-based authenticity, the VIF values of the two predictors were both 1.165 and 1.165. The VIF values of the three predictors of existential authenticity were 1.190, 1.657 and 1.600. The VIF values of the four predictors of purchase intention were 1.244, 1.881, 1.667 and 1.617. These VIF values are all less than the critical value of 5, so there is no obvious collinearity problem. In this study, there are three dependent variables (object-based authenticity, existential authenticity and purchase intention) with two or more predictors. The blindfolding procedure was conducted to examine the predictive relevance (Q2) of the model. Results of R2, adjusted R2, and Q2. In order to examine the hypothesized correlations among research variables, a bootstrapping procedure with 5000 subsamples was performed, and the results can be seen in Figure 2. In addition, Table 5 represents the estimates of the structural model covering the path coefficients, effect size (f2), which is an instrumental parameter for evaluating the strength of any statistical claim, t-values, and level of significance (p-values). Moreover, according to the values of f2, H1a, H1b, H1c, H2b, H2c, H3a, and H4 were attested to be small effects, H3b was attested to be a moderate effect, and H2a was found to be a large effect. As results, traditional qipao chinese dress all hypothesized relationships were found to be statistically significant. The results of mediation tests are summarized in Table 6. To evaluate the mediating role of the mediators, variance accounted for (VAF) was used. The mediating roles of object-based and existential authenticity were examined using 5000 bootstrap samples. The mediation effect of the path (identification with product → object-based authenticity → purchase intention) accounted for 20.87%, indicating partial mediation. The mediation effect of the path (identification with product → existential authenticity → purchase intention) accounted for 17.83%, indicating no mediation. The values of VAF were calculated based on the formula proposed by Hair et al. The mediation effect of the path (cultural motivation → existential authenticity → purchase intention) accounted for 16.00%, indicating no mediation. The mediation effect of the path (cultural motivation → object-based authenticity → purchase intention) accounted for 40.95%, indicating partial mediation. Results of the mediation test.
Parents do all kinds of things for their kids. But how many of us can say that our dads made dresses meant for us, and us alone? Xu Ruiqin has tailored roughly 100 dresses for his daughter “Xixi”. Xu, who resides in Jiangxi, has been designing dresses, preparing materials, and sewing every part to produce a garment, since his daughter was 4 years old. Japanese lolita dresses, traditional Chinese hanfu, red hanfu and even a bridal gown. The things he has made? According to Xu, he had taught himself how to sew using a sewing machine he received from his mother. South China Morning Post. The time taken to make each dress ranges from one day to several weeks. His reason? It was all for his daughter. “I lived in an environment where people were not that open-minded and were not willing to try new things. Even though Xu is now proudly displaying his skills online, he hadn’t always had the confidence to share his art. Nobody else had done this before, so I didn’t want anybody to know that I made dresses. I was afraid they would judge me,” Xu explained. But with some encouragement from his brother, Xu and his art have slowly grown on social media. He has even earned the nickname “Tailor Father” among his fans (he’s also known as “Square Father” due to his jawline).
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Tifayifu (simplified Chinese: 剃发易服; traditional Chinese: 剃髮易服; lit. Qing dynasty as it conquered the preceding Ming dynasty. In 1645, the Tifayifu edict forced Han Chinese people to adopt the Manchu hairstyle, the queue, and Manchu clothing. The edict specifically applied to living adult men, who did not fall in the stipulated exceptions. 218-219 Only after the Manchu captured Nanjing, the southern capital, from the Southern Ming in 1645 was the Tifayifu policy resumed and enforced severely. 3,6 In 1644, on the first day when the Manchu penetrated the Great Wall of China in the Battle of Shanhai Pass, the Manchu rulers ordered the surrendering Han Chinese population to shave their heads; however, this policy was halted just a month later due to intense resistance from the Han Chinese near Beijing. 218-219 Within one year after entering China proper, the Qing rulers demanded that men among their newly defeated subjects adopt the Manchu hairstyle or face execution. The full Tifayifu edict was only implemented after two Han officials from Shandong, Sun Zhixie and Li Ruolin, voluntarily shaved their foreheads and demanded that Dorgon impose the queue hairstyle on the entire population. The law was strongly opposed by the Han Chinese, especially those who were part of the late-Ming scholar and literati class. 60 The Qing prince regent Dorgon initially canceled the order to shave for all men in Ming territories south of the Great Wall (post-1644 additions to the Qing). In the Kangxi period, a large number of ordinary people still followed the clothing and hairstyle of the Ming dynasty, except for the officials and military generals, who had to wear the Manchu queue and uniforms. Even ten years after the implementation of the Tifayifu edict, there was still resistance to haircutting and adopting Manchu-style clothing. With time, Han Chinese men eventually adopted Manchu-style clothing, such as changshan and magua, and by the late Qing, officials, scholars, and many commoners wore Manchu-style clothing. Wearing the queue (bianzi) was traditionally a Manchurian hairstyle, which was itself a variant of northern tribes’ hairstyle, including the Jurchen. 60 It differed from the way Han Chinese styled their hair; the Han Chinese kept long hair with all their hair grown over their head and was coiled into a topknot, held into place by Chinese headwear. 60 as indicated in the Xiaojing, “Our bodies – to every hair and bit of skin – are received by us from our parents, hanfu shirt and we must not presume to injure or wound them. This is the beginning of filial piety”. 60 The Manchu, Mongol bannermen and Han bannermen in Later Jin (1616-1636) territories since 1616 already shaved their foreheads. The men of certain ethnicities who came under Qing rule later like Salar people and Uyghur people already shaved all their heads bald so the shaving order was redundant. However, the shaving policy was not enforced in the Tusi autonomous chiefdoms in Southwestern China where many minorities lived. There was one Han Chinese Tusi, the Chiefdom of Kokang populated by Han Kokang people. Throughout China’s multicultural history, clothing has been shaped through an intermingling of Han clothing styles, the Han Chinese being the dominant ethnicity, and the styles of various ethnic groups. The Qing imposed the shaved head hairstyle on men of all ethnicities under its rule even before 1644 like upon the Nanai people in the 1630s who had to shave their foreheads. Manchu robes were initially collarless. Some examples include the standing collar of the cheongsam, which has been found in relics from the Ming dynasty, ruled by the Han Chinese, and was subsequently adopted in the Qing dynasty as Manchu clothing items. The Manchu also adopted the right closure from the Han Chinese as they initially closed their robes on the left side. Left: A Qing-style aoqun, a form of Hanfu worn by Han women around the 19th to 20th centuries. Below their upper garment, this qun, skirt, is a mamianqun, a style which was inherited from the Ming dynasty and continued to develop in the Qing dynasty. Chenyi, a one-piece Manchu women’s robe, Qing dynasty. Right: Lady Aisin-Gioro Hengxiang, the birth mother of Wanrong, wearing the traditional Manchu one-piece robe, a chenyi, that later inspired the cheongsam. 39-40 Manchu coats were close fitting and had slashed openings on the four sides which allowed greater ease of movements when horse-riding; the sleeves were long and tight ending in horse-hoof shape which were designed to protects the hands from the wind; trousers were worn by both Manchu men and women, and their boots had rigid soles which facilitated mounted archery. 6 the broad and general description of such differences in how Ming dynasty clothing is typically associated with sedentary characteristics such as being loose, “ample, flowing robes” with wide and long-sleeves which restricted movement and with “slippers with upturned toes” while the Manchu clothing were “boots, trousers and functional riding coats of coat of nomadic horsemen” allowing physical mobility. 39-40 For the Han Chinese, however, Manchu-style clothing conflicted with their Confucian prescriptions which govern their attire. Manchu clothing were associated with martial vigour. When Hong Taiji drew up the dressing code after 1636, he made a direct association between the decline of the Liao, Jin and Yuan dynasties (all non-Han Chinese regimes) with the adoption of Hanfu and the adoption of a sedentary lifestyle. Previously, the wise men . 40 Hong Taijji therefore reminded the Banner princes and Manchu officials (in 1635 and in 1637) that the conquests by the Manchu were through riding and archery, and thus the wide and brood-sleeved clothing of the Ming dynasty were entirely unsuitable to the Manchu lifestyle and worried that his descendant would adopt Han Chinese customs while forgetting the sources of their greatness; therefore, the Manchu strongly rejected the adoption of Ming dynasty court clothing. I refused. They would not accept my reasons. Now, here, I want to give myself as an example. Manchu clothing and hats for Chinese clothing and hats, and to adopt the Chinese way. If those of us gathered here wore wide-sleeved clothing, how would we be able to stand with a quiver of arrows on the right side and a bow on the left? If we give up archery and horsemanship, then we can certainly wear wide-sleeved clothing. Macabe Keliher, The Board of Rites and the Making of Qing China, p. Hong Taiji was again cited by the Qianlong Emperor when urging his descendants to maintain the wearing of Manchu dress. Along with the adoption of the queue, the abandonment of traditional Hanfu through the adoption of Manchu clothing was also perceived as a symbol of submission by the Manchu. However, the early Qing court did not allow Han Chinese men to wear all forms of Manchu items as they prohibited Chinese men from wearing certain specific Manchu items, such as clothing made of fur. However, from the middle of the 18th century, the women dress code were being infringed as it is recorded that the Qianlong Emperor stated that “there were girls who emulated Han Chinese clothing and jewelry. This is truly not the Manchu custom” when he inspected the marriage draft. 41 The dress code continued to be infringed as recorded in 1775 (when bondservant daughters were observed wearing one earring instead of 3 in one ear), in 1804 (when 19 girls came up with bound feet), in 1839 (when an imperial edict was decreed punishing fathers of young girls who presented themselves for imperial inspection wearing Chinese-style upper garment with wide sleeves). 41 Manchu women were also forbidden wearing a single earring (a Han Chinese custom) and had to wear three earrings in one ear instead (Manchu custom). Therefore, although Manchu clothing was prevalent and Hanfu was forbidden in daily life, Hanfu-style clothing did not cease existing in society. In order to stabilize its rule and integrate the cultural system of the Han Chinese, the Qing dynasty court adopted a mitigation policy, which consisted of 10 exemptions to the tifayifu policy known as the shicong shibucong (十从十不从; 十從十不從; ‘Ten rules that must be obeyed and ten that need not be obeyed’). Taxes and official services should follow the Manchu system, while the language remain in Chinese. 6-7 While the qizhuang was used in dominant spaces (e.g. ritual and official locations), Hanfu continued to be used in subordinate spaces (in theatre and women’s quarters). 40 It also lead to the execution of Liu Zhenyu during the Qianlong era for urging the clothing to be changed to what is presumed to Ming-style fashion; however, during this period, only the scholar-official elite were required to wear Manchu style and not the entire male population, so the great majority of men were allowed to dressed in Ming-style fashion. 60 Chen Mingxia suggested that the Qing dynasty court should adopt Ming-style clothing “in order to bring peace to the empire”. The Tifayifu policy lead to outrage and resistance, especially in central and south China, when the unpopular policy united educated men and peasants together in resistance. 40 In 1645, during military campaigns in south China, Manchu troops were ordered to kill any Chinese who refused to shave his head. 61 Han Chinese men eventually adopted Manchu-style clothing – such as changshan and magua – over time, and by the late Qing, officials, scholars, and many commoners wore Manchu-style clothing. 83 The Tifayifu policy led to great bloodshed and resentment among the Chinese. It also led to resentment amongst the Han Chinese and also out of loyalty for the Ming dynasty, some areas in China fought back against the Manchu which provoked the Qing dynasty to massacre entire populations. It was Han Chinese defectors who carried out massacres against people refusing to wear the queue. There was accounts of such massacres perpetuated by Qing soldiers at southern cities, such as Jiading, and Jiangyin, where tens of thousands of people were deliberately and brutally killed. The three massacres at Jiading District are some of the most infamous. In June 1645, news that men were required to adopt Manchu hairstyle reached the city of Jiangyin. Jiading within a month, resulting in tens of thousands of deaths. Although General Liu proclaimed that only adult men were to be executed, Liu’s soldiers indiscriminately incinerated women and children in their houses. The city of Jiangyin held out against about 10,000 Qing troops for 83 days; when the city wall was finally breached on October 9, 1645, the Qing army, led by the Han Chinese Ming defector, General Liu Liangzuo (劉良佐), who had been ordered to “fill the city with corpses before you sheathe your swords,” massacred the entire population, killing between 74,000 and 100,000 people. Of the initial population estimated to be about 100,000, there were only 53 reported survivors following the Jiayin massacre. Han Chinese soldiers in 1645 under Han General Hong Chengchou forced the queue on the people of Jiangnan while Han people were initially paid silver to wear the queue in Fuzhou when it was first implemented. Wang, Anita Xiaoming (2018). “The Idealised Lives of Women: Visions of Beauty in Chinese Popular Prints of the Qing Dynasty”. Wang, Yi (2019-09-19). “Contesting the past on the Chinese Internet: Han-centrism and mnemonic practices”. Arts Asiatiques. 73: 61-80. doi:10.3406/arasi.2018.1993. Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies. Wang, Guojun (2019). “Absent Presence: Costuming and Identity in the Qing Drama A Ten-Thousand Li Reunion”. Wang, Guojun (2020). Staging personhood : costuming in early Qing drama. 79 (1): 97-130. doi:10.1353/jas.2019.0005. Wakeman, Frederic E. (1985). The Great Enterprise: The Manchu Reconstruction of Imperial Order in Seventeenth-century China, Volume 1. Vol. Rhoads, Edward J. M. (2000). Manchus & Han : ethnic relations and political power in late Qing and early republican China, 1861-1928. Seattle: University of Washington Press. 2 of Great Enterprise (illustrated ed.). Lui, Adam Yuen-chung (1989). Two Rulers in One Reign: Dorgon and Shun-chih, 1644-1660. Faculty of Asian Studies monographs // The Australian National University (illustrated ed.). Faculty of Asian Studies, Australian National University. University of California Press,l. Smith, Richard J. (2015). The Qing Dynasty and traditional Chinese culture. Cambridge University Press. p. Forsyth, James (1994). A History of the Peoples of Siberia: Russia’s North Asian Colony 1581-1990 (illustrated, reprint, revised ed.). Majewicz, Alfred F., ed. Vol. 15 (illustrated, reprint ed.). 2011). Materials for the Study of Tungusic Languages and Folklore. Dwyer, Arienne M. (2007). Salar: A Study in Inner Asian Language Contact Processes, Part 1. Vol. Walter de Gruyter. p. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. p. Rawski, Evelyn Sakakida (1998). The last emperors : a social history of Qing imperial institutions. 37 of Turcologica Series (illustrated ed.). Keliher, Macabe (2020). The Board of Rites and the making of Qing China. Chang, Chun-shu (1998). Redefining history : ghosts, spirits, and human society in Pʻu Sung-ling’s world, 1640-1715. Shelley Hsueh-lun Chang. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Berkeley: University of California Press. Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Art Studies: Science, Experience, Education (ICASSEE 2019). Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research. Su, Wenhao (2019). “Study on the Inheritance and Cultural Creation of Manchu Qipao Culture”. Faure, David (2007). Emperor and ancestor : state and lineage in South China. Vol. 368. Atlantis Press. David Faure. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press. Roberts, John A. G. (2011). History of China (3rd ed.). Conflict and control in late Imperial China. Frederic E. Wakeman, Carolyn Grant, Berkeley. Center for Chinese Studies University of California, American Council of Learned Societies. Committee on Studies of Chinese Civilization. Godley, Michael R. (September 2011). “The End of the Queue: Hair as Symbol in Chinese History”. Berkeley: University of California Press. Justus Doolittle (1876). Social Life of the Chinese: With Some Account of Their Religious, Governmental, Educational, and Business Customs and Opinions. China Heritage Quarterly (27). China Heritage Project, ANU College of Asia & the Pacific (CAP), The Australian National University. With Special But Not Exclusive Reference to Fuhchau. This page was last edited on 30 July 2024, at 06:18 (UTC). Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 License; additional terms may apply. By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. 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Items & Feature This exquisite dress is based on the Qixiong Shanqun of the Tang Dynasty Hanfu, available in two stunning color schemes, purple and pink, perfect for spring day. 2.54 cm; Please make sure the product’s measurements will fit your daily wear size, or view the complete Size Guide Chart to get more help. Recommend Hand-wash with your favorite mild detergent; Cold or warm water, maximum temperature 40°C. When washed, shake off any excess water and let them air dry. Shipping: Once the package is in transit, you will receive an email notification of the shipping status and location, also you can directly Track Shipping online. Guarantee: If the item has any small and big quality issues, we will offer free return or refund for you. Highlighted by delicate embroidery and lots of floral prints, this Qixiong Shanqun set for spring would be a great choice, if you are looking for a Hanfu for your spring travel plans. Learn more about the Return & Refund Policy. The white top features an intricately embroidered neckline with lotus flowers, made of light and comfortable fabric. The skirt head is adorned with beautiful lotus leaf and goldfish embroidery, traditional chinese clothing for men complemented by a color blocking design and a plethora of floral prints. The addition of the bow gives the whole Hanfu set a more fairy-like feel. My daughter ordered the same hanfu in a different color and loves hers as well. She is tall and thin and I am 5′ 5″ with a pear shape, but the dress looks great on both our body types. Designed with inclusivity in mind, the dress features an elastic band that ensures a perfect fit for all body types. I bought the purple but really thinking about getting pink also.
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Tifayifu (simplified Chinese: 剃发易服; traditional Chinese: 剃髮易服; lit. Qing dynasty as it conquered the preceding Ming dynasty. In 1645, the Tifayifu edict forced Han Chinese people to adopt the Manchu hairstyle, the queue, and Manchu clothing. The edict specifically applied to living adult men, who did not fall in the stipulated exceptions. 218-219 Only after the Manchu captured Nanjing, the southern capital, from the Southern Ming in 1645 was the Tifayifu policy resumed and enforced severely. 3,6 In 1644, on the first day when the Manchu penetrated the Great Wall of China in the Battle of Shanhai Pass, the Manchu rulers ordered the surrendering Han Chinese population to shave their heads; however, this policy was halted just a month later due to intense resistance from the Han Chinese near Beijing. 218-219 Within one year after entering China proper, the Qing rulers demanded that men among their newly defeated subjects adopt the Manchu hairstyle or face execution. The full Tifayifu edict was only implemented after two Han officials from Shandong, Sun Zhixie and Li Ruolin, voluntarily shaved their foreheads and demanded that Dorgon impose the queue hairstyle on the entire population. The law was strongly opposed by the Han Chinese, especially those who were part of the late-Ming scholar and literati class. 60 The Qing prince regent Dorgon initially canceled the order to shave for all men in Ming territories south of the Great Wall (post-1644 additions to the Qing). In the Kangxi period, a large number of ordinary people still followed the clothing and hairstyle of the Ming dynasty, except for the officials and military generals, who had to wear the Manchu queue and uniforms. Even ten years after the implementation of the Tifayifu edict, there was still resistance to haircutting and adopting Manchu-style clothing. With time, Han Chinese men eventually adopted Manchu-style clothing, such as changshan and magua, and by the late Qing, officials, scholars, and many commoners wore Manchu-style clothing. Wearing the queue (bianzi) was traditionally a Manchurian hairstyle, which was itself a variant of northern tribes’ hairstyle, including the Jurchen. 60 It differed from the way Han Chinese styled their hair; the Han Chinese kept long hair with all their hair grown over their head and was coiled into a topknot, held into place by Chinese headwear. 60 as indicated in the Xiaojing, “Our bodies – to every hair and bit of skin – are received by us from our parents,